Sarkozy, London, and British Discourse.

The French presidential election of 2007 saw Nicolas Sarkozy come to London during his campaign to defend a vision of France. He was advocating a renovation of the country along what the French tend to call – somewhat pejoratively - more Anglo-Saxon lines. The message resonating in the Old Billingsgate Market Hall did not fall in deaf ears. Bearing in mind that London is the 6th biggest French city worldwide according to a recent documentary and home to nearly 300 000 French people, their vote should not be overlooked. Madame Royal didn’t bother showing up and Sarkozy’s performance abroad (a whole percentage point higher than mainland France) does reflect this.

With Sarkozy’s mandate now coming to an end, is it instructive to underline the profound change in rhetoric and policy which Sarkozy has come to undertake a year after courting French bankers. France attempted to liberalize its broad economic outlook by drawing inspiration from Britain. It later had to backtrack.

The main culprit for Sarkozy’s stark demi-tour is of course the economic crisis.

In London he was attempting to muster the support of the very same people which he had to turn against following the failure of Lehman Brothers and the near-collapse of the financial. He praised and wowed a segment of the population which was making London “a great French city”, one which beamed with the vitality that “Paris so greatly needed”.

He advocated scrapping inheritance taxes, reducing contribution on overtime work, deregulating segments of the admittedly over-regulated labor market and cap taxes at 50% of income for the wealthiest contributors. While not a Thatcherite revolution, Sarkozy attempted to infuse republicanism with aspects of economic liberalism. That was not because of a strong ideological set of values for he remains deeply seated within the Gaullist and statist tradition in France, but because according to him it needed as much to survive in an increasingly competitive world.From the point of view of traditional right wing France, the financial crisis turned the city of London from a rewarding promised land into a sick pasture as it was argued that comprehensive social protection somewhat shielded the country from the worst economic and social shocks.

Therefore France turned away from the discourse of 2007 much to the dismay of the same French bankers who raptured into applause at Sarkozy’s speech some years back. He had to govern like a pragmatist and accuse bankers of “defying common sense”, just like everybody else. For high skilled labor, Sarkozy’s current rhetoric is a contradiction in time, even a betrayal. However with the next presidential election approaching, they will be asking who better than he will be able to defend their

interests forcefully. Candidates to stand up for bankers aren’t legion. Therefore he’ll face an interesting choice: should he come back to London during his campaign he may take it upon himself to emphasis the central role of private sector liberalization to foster growth in front of the same audience but runs the risk of cementing his weather-vane credentials. He could also stick to his current discourse and enjoy broad support at home on the issue to formulate a tougher line on highly skilled exiles.

Alternatively, he may decide not to come at all. It’s quite possible indeed that the surge of the far right in France will see him spend all his energy on courting those tempted by the populist outlook of Marine Le Pen. Bankers don’t vote Front National anyway. It should be quite revealing in any case for French voters as it will reveal a lot about his political character and about what he fundamentally believes in. His London speech is therefore not just a reference point for his support base in London, it must be understood as a telling reference against which to compare his upcoming discourse for any French voter.

That’s not to say that the London speech is a French affair only. Read and understood with regards to the political zeitgeist in Westminster it predates a trend towards a convergence of rhetoric and policy between Number 10 and the Elysee Palace.

As Sarkozy rolls back some key liberal reforms (such as the 50% cap on contributions) Britain questions having made the financial sector the center of its economic activity. Voting out an administration which contributed to the economic imbalances that currently plague the country, it replaced it with another which now rather conveniently chooses to emphasize its moral bankruptcy and lack of competition. However England is not just displaying signs of economic de-liberalization - but also social. These topics aren’t too catchy headlines in the current climate but they are significant.

Indeed, coming back to January 2007 and Sarkozy’s speech, he denounced the “disastrous impact” of a rigid school of thought, “Jeunism” (literally “youthsim”) and traced back to the events of May 1968. It supposedly made young people believe that “the pupil is equal to the teacher” and lead them to retain little concept of responsibilities or duties while believe that “everything is owed to them”.

Drawing a parallel between Sarkozy denigrating “Jeunism” and the spirit of the response to the summer riots coming from Number 10 is therefore very instructive. Cameron’s broadly well-received “tough love” angle mirrors Sarkozy’s injunction nearly word for word: “Behaving as if your choices have no consequences. Children without fathers. Schools without discipline. Reward without effort. Rights without responsibilities”; talk of a “broken society”. It seems Britain’s social Laissez-faire may have shown its limits.

This may only be traditional right-wing rethoric, but convergence is also observable in tangible grassroots policies. It’s not all about common defense programs or taxing bonuses, but also about schooling.

Indeed, Sarkozy argued in London that at school, “Jeunism” translates into “an ideology which purports that to explain Maths to Paul, one must beforehand know Paul” (frantic applause).

There is a tradition in France to learn an extensive range of subject until the Baccalaureate - regardless of Paul’s academic tastes or personality. Therefore the introduction of the English Baccalaureate – which aims to see pupils broaden their academic horizon beyond the “vital core” of English, Maths and Sciences by encouraging them to incorporate Geography, History and a language at Key Stage 4 - is far from insignificant. The “EB” isn’t yet a qualification, but the Department of Education is “examining arrangements” to make it so. Sarkozy made the point in London that French “won’t be saved by preventing pupils from learning English, but by making them learn a third language”. Britain’s trying to catch up. Even in critical economic times, it is not wise to understate this.

In this light, insofar as it can reach the political rhetoric of its direct neighbors the case should be made that the upcoming right-wing presidential campaign in France should not only be highly significant to them – but to Britain as well.

last time modified: Sept. 21, 2011, 1:56 p.m.